[Condensed from "Le Révolté."]
The following is the federation compact prepared by the London Congress for submission to all socialistic-revolutionary organizations. It will be seen that it does not differ from that adopted by the Congress of 1866 or 1873, except by some insignificant modifications of that portion of statutes revised at the Congress of 1873, in consequence of definitive abolition of the General Council. Whether to adopt or reject it the groups and federations will decide for themselves.
Whereas, the emancipation of the laborers must be the work of the laborers themselves, and
Whereas, the efforts of the laborers to achieve their emancipation must not tend to the constitutions of new privileges, but to establish for all the same rights and the same duties; and
Whereas, for this reason, the economic emancipation of the working-people is the great object to which all political movement ought to be subordinated; and
Whereas, all previous efforts have failed for want of solidarity between workmen of different trades in the same country and of fraternal union between the working-people of different countries; and
Whereas, the emancipation of the working people is not a mere local or national problem, but, on the contrary, one that interests all civilized nations, its solution being dependent necessarily on their co-operation in theory and practice; and
Whereas, the movement now in progress among the laborers of those countries farthest advanced industrially, in generating new hopes, gives a solemn warning against falling back into old errors, and advises a combination of all efforts still isolated;
For those reasons:
The Congress of the International Association of Working-People, held at Geneva, September 3, 1866, declares that this association recognizes Truth, Justice, Morality, as the proper rule of its own conduct, and that of all adherent societies or individuals, towards all human beings, without distinction of color, faith, or nationality.
The Congress considers it a duty to claim human and civil rights not only for its own members, but also for all persons who preform their duties. No duties without rights, no rights without duties.
The representatives of the revolutionary socialists of both worlds, assembled at London, July 14, 1881, unanimously favoring the total destruction, by force, of existing political and economic institutions, have accepted this declaration of principles.
They declare - in harmony, moreover, with the significance always given it by the International - that the word morality used in the preamble is not used in the sense given it by the bourgeoisie, but in the sense that we can arrive at morality only by abolition, by all methods, of the existing form of society, based on immorality.
Whereas, the time has arrived for passing from the period of affirmation to the period of action, and for adding to propagandism by voice and pen, which has shown to be ineffective, propagandism by fact and insurrectional action.
They propose to adherent groups the following resolution:
The International Association of Working-People declares itself an opponent of parliamentary politics.
Whoever adopts and defends the principles of the Association is eligible for membership.
Each adherent group shall have the right to correspond directly with all other groups and federations that may give it their addresses.
Nevertheless to facilitate relations, an international bureau of information shall be established. This bureau shall be composed of three members.
General expenses shall be covered by voluntary assessments to be remitted to said bureau.
Adhesions shall be received at this bureau and communicated to it by all groups.
An international congress shall be held whenever adherent groups and federations may decide in favor thereof.
Of course the Congress could not declare publicly its full opinion regarding revolutionary methods of action, but in the following resolutions it expressed a few ideas on this point:
Whereas, the International Working-People's Association has recognized the necessity of supplementing propagandism by voice and pen with propagandism by fact; and
Whereas, further, a general revolution is not far off, when the revolutionary elements will be called upon to show the extent of their devotion to the proletarian cause and of their power and action,
The Congress expresses the desire that organizations adherent to the International Working-People's Association may consider carefully the following propositions:
It is strictly necessary to make all possible efforts to spread by action the revolutionary idea and spirit of revolt among that large portion of the popular masses which does not yet take an active part in the movement and cherishes illusions regarding the morality and effectiveness of legal methods.
In abandoning the legal ground on which we have generally stood hitherto extend our action into the domain of illegality, which is the only road leading to revolution, it is necessary to to resort to methods in conformity to this end.
The persecution against which the revolutionary public press struggles in all countries make the organization of a clandestine press a necessity henceforth.
The great mass of laborers in the country still remaining outside of the socialistic-revolutionary movement, it is absolutely necessary to direct our efforts to that quarter, remembering the simplest fact, aimed at existing institutions, speaks louder to the masses than thousands of printed papers and floods of words, and that propagandism by fact in the country is still more important than in cities.
The technical and chemical sciences have already done service in the revolutionary cause and being destined to do still greater service in the future, the Congress recommends organizations and individuals belonging to the International Working-People's Association to give great weight to the study and application of these sciences as a method of defense and attack.
To the foregoing resolutions another was added as follows:
The Congress, recognizing that it has no other right than to indicate a general outline of what it considers the best form of revolutionary socialistic organization, leaves the groups to initiate such organizations, secret or not, as may seem to them useful in effecting the triumph of the Social Revolution.
In the list of delegates were to be found the following of the United States: No. 5, representing the German socialistic-revolutionary club of New York and Philedelphia; No. 7, representing the German section of the socialistic labor party of New York; No. 30, representing the revolutionists of Boston. The following are abstracts of the more important of the sectional reports submitted by the delegates.
America - The industrial situation is the same in New World as in the Old: the same divisions of rich and poor, idle and industrious. In spite of all the obstacles in the shape of political prejudice met in the propagation of socialism, perhaps in the United States, after all, the revolution is furthest advanced. The organizations represented by the present delegate agree in favoring violent revolution. The revolutionary groups are not yet as strong as they should be. Opportunities for overturning the government at Washington have not been taken advantage of. The great strike and the events at Pittsburgh made a great impression in the East. The late strike of the brewers did not tell in our favor, the revolutionary workers not being able to penetrate their councils, which is the more regrettable because the opportunity for revolutionary propagandism was a very good one. It is out opinion that we should join all labor organizations. We do not deny the necessity of open propagandism, since that must attract the masses still outside the movement; but we do not forget the necessity of secret organizations.
The Lower Rhine - The situation in Germany is well known, repression being almost as violent as Russia; the tendency then is absolutely revolutionary. We wish to make not only a defensive, but an offensive struggle. Formerly the socialist party was very strong. We had over 600,000 voters, but now our strength is very much reduced. Therefore we are organizing on a new basis. The capital is really revolutionary. In the cities, where the moderate party is the strongest, the socialist abstain from voting, as will be clearly seen at the approaching elections. In the Rhenish provinces the revolutionary spirit is very strong, and in Bavaria we can count on the peasants. There can be no longer any doubt that the social democrats of Austria are now inspired with our ideas.
Switzerland - In so-called free Switzerland the situation is the same as monarchical States. The liberty granted to socialists is quite as illusory as in other countries. The socialistic-revolutionary movement gains ground, while the parliamentary socialists continually lose, their best elements coming to join us.
France - The socialistic-revolutionary party of Lyons is absolutely inspired by anarchist ideas. It seeks to act on the great mass of laborers. Recently established, it has already obtained a firm footing in Lyons, and foresees an increased rate of growth after the Congress. It expends some of its efforts in neighboring towns, and there is reason to believe that a Lyonese federation, revolutionary in fact as well as words, will soon be definitively organized.
Spain - In spite of the persecution of the International in Spain, the organization has maintained itself intact since 1873. It is purely economic, being made up trade organizations and miscellaneous sections. Strikes are instituted, not as an end, but a means, with a view to organizing laborers. We do not expect to accomplish the revolution by a stroke, but we are sure that, unless the workingmen have some powerful organization of their own, the revolution can be easily defeated by the bourgeoisie. We have no continuous functions. Any one charged with a special duty returns to the ranks as soon as he has fulfilled it. By this means we have avoided individual ascendancy and kept the ambitious aloof. The regional bureaus of the seven organized regions are only as a medium of correspondence; likewise, the federal bureau, which has so little authority and is so powerless to assume any that the federations could get along perfectly well without it. Finally, we have a journal of our own, which, as far as means are concerned, is sure of continued existence.
Reports of similar tenor were submitted from Italy, Belgium, and other countries.
Whereas, the emancipation of the laborers must be the work of the laborers themselves, and
Whereas, the efforts of the laborers to achieve their emancipation must not tend to the constitutions of new privileges, but to establish for all the same rights and the same duties; and
Whereas, for this reason, the economic emancipation of the working-people is the great object to which all political movement ought to be subordinated; and
Whereas, all previous efforts have failed for want of solidarity between workmen of different trades in the same country and of fraternal union between the working-people of different countries; and
Whereas, the emancipation of the working people is not a mere local or national problem, but, on the contrary, one that interests all civilized nations, its solution being dependent necessarily on their co-operation in theory and practice; and
Whereas, the movement now in progress among the laborers of those countries farthest advanced industrially, in generating new hopes, gives a solemn warning against falling back into old errors, and advises a combination of all efforts still isolated;
For those reasons:
The Congress of the International Association of Working-People, held at Geneva, September 3, 1866, declares that this association recognizes Truth, Justice, Morality, as the proper rule of its own conduct, and that of all adherent societies or individuals, towards all human beings, without distinction of color, faith, or nationality.
The Congress considers it a duty to claim human and civil rights not only for its own members, but also for all persons who preform their duties. No duties without rights, no rights without duties.
The representatives of the revolutionary socialists of both worlds, assembled at London, July 14, 1881, unanimously favoring the total destruction, by force, of existing political and economic institutions, have accepted this declaration of principles.
They declare - in harmony, moreover, with the significance always given it by the International - that the word morality used in the preamble is not used in the sense given it by the bourgeoisie, but in the sense that we can arrive at morality only by abolition, by all methods, of the existing form of society, based on immorality.
Whereas, the time has arrived for passing from the period of affirmation to the period of action, and for adding to propagandism by voice and pen, which has shown to be ineffective, propagandism by fact and insurrectional action.
They propose to adherent groups the following resolution:
The International Association of Working-People declares itself an opponent of parliamentary politics.
Whoever adopts and defends the principles of the Association is eligible for membership.
Each adherent group shall have the right to correspond directly with all other groups and federations that may give it their addresses.
Nevertheless to facilitate relations, an international bureau of information shall be established. This bureau shall be composed of three members.
General expenses shall be covered by voluntary assessments to be remitted to said bureau.
Adhesions shall be received at this bureau and communicated to it by all groups.
An international congress shall be held whenever adherent groups and federations may decide in favor thereof.
Of course the Congress could not declare publicly its full opinion regarding revolutionary methods of action, but in the following resolutions it expressed a few ideas on this point:
Whereas, the International Working-People's Association has recognized the necessity of supplementing propagandism by voice and pen with propagandism by fact; and
Whereas, further, a general revolution is not far off, when the revolutionary elements will be called upon to show the extent of their devotion to the proletarian cause and of their power and action,
The Congress expresses the desire that organizations adherent to the International Working-People's Association may consider carefully the following propositions:
It is strictly necessary to make all possible efforts to spread by action the revolutionary idea and spirit of revolt among that large portion of the popular masses which does not yet take an active part in the movement and cherishes illusions regarding the morality and effectiveness of legal methods.
In abandoning the legal ground on which we have generally stood hitherto extend our action into the domain of illegality, which is the only road leading to revolution, it is necessary to to resort to methods in conformity to this end.
The persecution against which the revolutionary public press struggles in all countries make the organization of a clandestine press a necessity henceforth.
The great mass of laborers in the country still remaining outside of the socialistic-revolutionary movement, it is absolutely necessary to direct our efforts to that quarter, remembering the simplest fact, aimed at existing institutions, speaks louder to the masses than thousands of printed papers and floods of words, and that propagandism by fact in the country is still more important than in cities.
The technical and chemical sciences have already done service in the revolutionary cause and being destined to do still greater service in the future, the Congress recommends organizations and individuals belonging to the International Working-People's Association to give great weight to the study and application of these sciences as a method of defense and attack.
To the foregoing resolutions another was added as follows:
The Congress, recognizing that it has no other right than to indicate a general outline of what it considers the best form of revolutionary socialistic organization, leaves the groups to initiate such organizations, secret or not, as may seem to them useful in effecting the triumph of the Social Revolution.
In the list of delegates were to be found the following of the United States: No. 5, representing the German socialistic-revolutionary club of New York and Philedelphia; No. 7, representing the German section of the socialistic labor party of New York; No. 30, representing the revolutionists of Boston. The following are abstracts of the more important of the sectional reports submitted by the delegates.
America - The industrial situation is the same in New World as in the Old: the same divisions of rich and poor, idle and industrious. In spite of all the obstacles in the shape of political prejudice met in the propagation of socialism, perhaps in the United States, after all, the revolution is furthest advanced. The organizations represented by the present delegate agree in favoring violent revolution. The revolutionary groups are not yet as strong as they should be. Opportunities for overturning the government at Washington have not been taken advantage of. The great strike and the events at Pittsburgh made a great impression in the East. The late strike of the brewers did not tell in our favor, the revolutionary workers not being able to penetrate their councils, which is the more regrettable because the opportunity for revolutionary propagandism was a very good one. It is out opinion that we should join all labor organizations. We do not deny the necessity of open propagandism, since that must attract the masses still outside the movement; but we do not forget the necessity of secret organizations.
The Lower Rhine - The situation in Germany is well known, repression being almost as violent as Russia; the tendency then is absolutely revolutionary. We wish to make not only a defensive, but an offensive struggle. Formerly the socialist party was very strong. We had over 600,000 voters, but now our strength is very much reduced. Therefore we are organizing on a new basis. The capital is really revolutionary. In the cities, where the moderate party is the strongest, the socialist abstain from voting, as will be clearly seen at the approaching elections. In the Rhenish provinces the revolutionary spirit is very strong, and in Bavaria we can count on the peasants. There can be no longer any doubt that the social democrats of Austria are now inspired with our ideas.
Switzerland - In so-called free Switzerland the situation is the same as monarchical States. The liberty granted to socialists is quite as illusory as in other countries. The socialistic-revolutionary movement gains ground, while the parliamentary socialists continually lose, their best elements coming to join us.
France - The socialistic-revolutionary party of Lyons is absolutely inspired by anarchist ideas. It seeks to act on the great mass of laborers. Recently established, it has already obtained a firm footing in Lyons, and foresees an increased rate of growth after the Congress. It expends some of its efforts in neighboring towns, and there is reason to believe that a Lyonese federation, revolutionary in fact as well as words, will soon be definitively organized.
Spain - In spite of the persecution of the International in Spain, the organization has maintained itself intact since 1873. It is purely economic, being made up trade organizations and miscellaneous sections. Strikes are instituted, not as an end, but a means, with a view to organizing laborers. We do not expect to accomplish the revolution by a stroke, but we are sure that, unless the workingmen have some powerful organization of their own, the revolution can be easily defeated by the bourgeoisie. We have no continuous functions. Any one charged with a special duty returns to the ranks as soon as he has fulfilled it. By this means we have avoided individual ascendancy and kept the ambitious aloof. The regional bureaus of the seven organized regions are only as a medium of correspondence; likewise, the federal bureau, which has so little authority and is so powerless to assume any that the federations could get along perfectly well without it. Finally, we have a journal of our own, which, as far as means are concerned, is sure of continued existence.
Reports of similar tenor were submitted from Italy, Belgium, and other countries.
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