Report of the London Congress.

[Condensed from "Le Révolté."]

The following is the federation compact prepared by the London Congress for submission to all socialistic-revolutionary organizations. It will be seen that it does not differ from that adopted by the Congress of 1866 or 1873, except by some insignificant modifications of that portion of statutes revised at the Congress of 1873, in consequence of definitive abolition of the General Council. Whether to adopt or reject it the groups and federations will decide for themselves.

Whereas, the emancipation of the laborers must be the work of the laborers themselves, and

Whereas, the efforts of the laborers to achieve their emancipation must not tend to the constitutions of new privileges, but to establish for all the same rights and the same duties; and

Whereas, for this reason, the economic emancipation of the working-people is the great object to which all political movement ought to be subordinated; and

Whereas, all previous efforts have failed for want of solidarity between workmen of different trades in the same country and of fraternal union between the working-people of different countries; and

Whereas, the emancipation of the working people is not a mere local or national problem, but, on the contrary, one that interests all civilized nations, its solution being dependent necessarily on their co-operation in theory and practice; and

Whereas, the movement now in progress among the laborers of those countries farthest advanced industrially, in generating new hopes, gives a solemn warning against falling back into old errors, and advises a combination of all efforts still isolated;
For those reasons:

The Congress of the International Association of Working-People, held at Geneva, September 3, 1866, declares that this association recognizes Truth, Justice, Morality, as the proper rule of its own conduct, and that of all adherent societies or individuals, towards all human beings, without distinction of color, faith, or nationality.

The Congress considers it a duty to claim human and civil rights not only for its own members, but also for all persons who preform their duties. No duties without rights, no rights without duties.

The representatives of the revolutionary socialists of both worlds, assembled at London, July 14, 1881, unanimously favoring the total destruction, by force, of existing political and economic institutions, have accepted this declaration of principles.

They declare - in harmony, moreover, with the significance always given it by the International - that the word morality used in the preamble is not used in the sense given it by the bourgeoisie, but in the sense that we can arrive at morality only by abolition, by all methods, of the existing form of society, based on immorality.

Whereas, the time has arrived for passing from the period of affirmation to the period of action, and for adding to propagandism by voice and pen, which has shown to be ineffective, propagandism by fact and insurrectional action.
They propose to adherent groups the following resolution:

The International Association of Working-People declares itself an opponent of parliamentary politics.

Whoever adopts and defends the principles of the Association is eligible for membership.
Each adherent group shall have the right to correspond directly with all other groups and federations that may give it their addresses.

Nevertheless to facilitate relations, an international bureau of information shall be established. This bureau shall be composed of three members.

General expenses shall be covered by voluntary assessments to be remitted to said bureau.

Adhesions shall be received at this bureau and communicated to it by all groups.

An international congress shall be held whenever adherent groups and federations may decide in favor thereof.

Of course the Congress could not declare publicly its full opinion regarding revolutionary methods of action, but in the following resolutions it expressed a few ideas on this point:

Whereas, the International Working-People's Association has recognized the necessity of supplementing propagandism by voice and pen with propagandism by fact; and

Whereas, further, a general revolution is not far off, when the revolutionary elements will be called upon to show the extent of their devotion to the proletarian cause and of their power and action,

The Congress expresses the desire that organizations adherent to the International Working-People's Association may consider carefully the following propositions:

It is strictly necessary to make all possible efforts to spread by action the revolutionary idea and spirit of revolt among that large portion of the popular masses which does not yet take an active part in the movement and cherishes illusions regarding the morality and effectiveness of legal methods.

In abandoning the legal ground on which we have generally stood hitherto extend our action into the domain of illegality, which is the only road leading to revolution, it is necessary to to resort to methods in conformity to this end.

The persecution against which the revolutionary public press struggles in all countries make the organization of a clandestine press a necessity henceforth.

The great mass of laborers in the country still remaining outside of the socialistic-revolutionary movement, it is absolutely necessary to direct our efforts to that quarter, remembering the simplest fact, aimed at existing institutions, speaks louder to the masses than thousands of printed papers and floods of words, and that propagandism by fact in the country is still more important than in cities.

The technical and chemical sciences have already done service in the revolutionary cause and being destined to do still greater service in the future, the Congress recommends organizations and individuals belonging to the International Working-People's Association to give great weight to the study and application of these sciences as a method of defense and attack.
To the foregoing resolutions another was added as follows:

The Congress, recognizing that it has no other right than to indicate a general outline of what it considers the best form of revolutionary socialistic organization, leaves the groups to initiate such organizations, secret or not, as may seem to them useful in effecting the triumph of the Social Revolution.


In the list of delegates were to be found the following of the United States: No. 5, representing the German socialistic-revolutionary club of New York and Philedelphia; No. 7, representing the German section of the socialistic labor party of New York; No. 30, representing the revolutionists of Boston. The following are abstracts of the more important of the sectional reports submitted by the delegates.

America - The industrial situation is the same in New World as in the Old: the same divisions of rich and poor, idle and industrious. In spite of all the obstacles in the shape of political prejudice met in the propagation of socialism, perhaps in the United States, after all, the revolution is furthest advanced. The organizations represented by the present delegate agree in favoring violent revolution. The revolutionary groups are not yet as strong as they should be. Opportunities for overturning the government at Washington have not been taken advantage of. The great strike and the events at Pittsburgh made a great impression in the East. The late strike of the brewers did not tell in our favor, the revolutionary workers not being able to penetrate their councils, which is the more regrettable because the opportunity for revolutionary propagandism was a very good one. It is out opinion that we should join all labor organizations. We do not deny the necessity of open propagandism, since that must attract the masses still outside the movement; but we do not forget the necessity of secret organizations.

The Lower Rhine - The situation in Germany is well known, repression being almost as violent as Russia; the tendency then is absolutely revolutionary. We wish to make not only a defensive, but an offensive struggle. Formerly the socialist party was very strong. We had over 600,000 voters, but now our strength is very much reduced. Therefore we are organizing on a new basis. The capital is really revolutionary. In the cities, where the moderate party is the strongest, the socialist abstain from voting, as will be clearly seen at the approaching elections. In the Rhenish provinces the revolutionary spirit is very strong, and in Bavaria we can count on the peasants. There can be no longer any doubt that the social democrats of Austria are now inspired with our ideas.

Switzerland - In so-called free Switzerland the situation is the same as monarchical States. The liberty granted to socialists is quite as illusory as in other countries. The socialistic-revolutionary movement gains ground, while the parliamentary socialists continually lose, their best elements coming to join us.

France - The socialistic-revolutionary party of Lyons is absolutely inspired by anarchist ideas. It seeks to act on the great mass of laborers. Recently established, it has already obtained a firm footing in Lyons, and foresees an increased rate of growth after the Congress. It expends some of its efforts in neighboring towns, and there is reason to believe that a Lyonese federation, revolutionary in fact as well as words, will soon be definitively organized.

Spain - In spite of the persecution of the International in Spain, the organization has maintained itself intact since 1873. It is purely economic, being made up trade organizations and miscellaneous sections. Strikes are instituted, not as an end, but a means, with a view to organizing laborers. We do not expect to accomplish the revolution by a stroke, but we are sure that, unless the workingmen have some powerful organization of their own, the revolution can be easily defeated by the bourgeoisie. We have no continuous functions. Any one charged with a special duty returns to the ranks as soon as he has fulfilled it. By this means we have avoided individual ascendancy and kept the ambitious aloof. The regional bureaus of the seven organized regions are only as a medium of correspondence; likewise, the federal bureau, which has so little authority and is so powerless to assume any that the federations could get along perfectly well without it. Finally, we have a journal of our own, which, as far as means are concerned, is sure of continued existence.

Reports of similar tenor were submitted from Italy, Belgium, and other countries.

The Revolutionary Congress.

HELD IN LONDON FROM JULY 14 TO JULY 20.
[From Liberty's Special Correspondent.]

AMSTERDAM, Holland, July 28. - Though congresses are always a part of parliamentary tradition and therefore illogical as well as inconsistent with true revolutionary and anarchical principles, we may, by reviewing the work of the past International Revolutionary Congress, avow, with satisfaction and enthusiasm, over the prospect of the future, that it had nothing in common with speech-congresses; that it was the manifestation of of earnest men and women with earnest intentions; and that one result attained, - the reconstitution of the International Association of Working People, which arose, like the Phoenix from the ashes, a thousand times stronger and better than before, - would alone have amply contented all expectations.

The Congress was opened on Thursday, July 14, at 8 A. M., in the exclusive presence of the fifty-four delegates, representing 320 federations of groups composed of 600,000 organized members. The countries represented were France, Belgium, Holland, Germany, Austria, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, Russia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Egypt, England, Mexico, and the United States (America was comparatively well represented, having as many as five delegates).

No presidents, no vice-presidents, etc. Three secretaries officiated: one for taking note of the numbers of those wishing to speak; one for translating speeches from foreign languages, one for preparation of the minutes.


The strictest secrecy was maintained throughout, and delegates were designated only by numbers, though of course many already knew each other personally. After the close of the Congress, a public meeting was held at Cleveland, and only then did the easily-frightened bourgeoisie of London learn what a disagreeable guest they had harbored.


All the principal decisions of the Congress were taken unanimously, though no votes, in common sense of the word, were cast, it being agreed that, not recognizing the right of a majority, only adhesions should be recorded, giving the different factions the opportunity to announce their particular notions of each question. The first two days were spent in listening to the reports of different countries, giving their situations from the general and revolutionary standpoint, statistics of our forces and those of our adversaries, etc. The third day was occupied in the discussion of the principal object, the reconstitution of the old International, to which all, after a debate of fifteen consecutive hours (we worked each day 10 A. M. to 1 A. M.), agreed on the new basis of autonomy of the groups and individuals composing the association, each country forming at the same time a complete, autonomous sub-organization, the only general connection of the parts being an international information and statistical office at --------, conducted by three members, thus disabling individuals, through any centralization whatever, from attaining any undue influence or authority in the association, and, further, relieving the International of the danger incurred under the former constitution of being beheaded and disorganized by the arrest of a central authority.

No group or individual is bound to recognize the general information office, all having the right to correspond and federate for certain purposes among themselves directly, without the intermediation of the office. The only and all-absorbing object of the international will henceforth be the Social Revolution.

The following days were occupied with particular consideration in reference to this object, the means to employ, the modes of action, etc., for the different countries. You will appreciate my reasons for keeping silent on these points. The Congress, at its close, adopted a series of resolutions, elaborated by delegates No. 9, No. 13, and No. 22, and embodying the work of the Congress, laying particular stress on the agitation of the peasantry (an agitation to be adapted to their particular needs and requirements), the recommendation of the study of chemistry, electricity, and all the sciences offering the means of defense and destruction, the establishment of clandestine periodicals and literature for those countries where open agitation is impossible, etc.

I am sure that the London Congress will in future history mark the beginning of a new period, the period of the solution of the social question, the only question worthy of the attention of men, the only question truly existing, which, like the Gordian knot, admits no other resolution than the sword. The London Congress means the beginning of the Social Revolution, of the inevitable, sublime-terrible hurricane, purifying the present heavy-laden atmosphere and dispersing the clouds from that divine picture: Universal Happiness and Universal Freedom.

DELEGATE NO. 22

Vive l'Association Internationale!

The late Col. William B. Greene, then whom no keener philosopher has yet been produced in America, speaking in 1873, in a pamphlet, of the International Working-People's Association, of which he was a member, said: "No man can claim the merit of having made it; it came of itself. No man can destroy it. It may dissolve a hundred time; but, every time it dissolves, it will crystallize anew. Its soul is immortal, and its body can never be annihilated: it is fore-ordained that it shall live under a thousand successive names. Multitudes of labor-organizations which never heard of it, and of which it never heard, are natural, integral parts of it. It is vital in every member, and will live forever, or, at the least, until the wrongs of man upon this earth are righted."

The truth of these memorable words was proved afresh on the 16th of July this year, when the Revolutionary Congress, then in session in London, revived the famous International, which had then for some years lain dorment. To this momentous event, which marks an epoch in the progress of the great labor movement, and to the proceedings of the body entitled to the credit of it, Liberty, in the present issue, devotes a large portion of her space. From the letter of our correspondent, who was a delegate to the Congress, and whom we have engaged to write regularly to Liberty from Europe, and from additional information gleaned from "Le Révolté," a tolerably accurate idea may be formed of what was done in London. Beyond the meagre and unsatisfactory cable dispatches received at the time, ours is the first report, we believe, to be published in America, and will be read with more interest on that account.

A significant feature of this re-establishment of the International is the thorough accordance of its new plan of organization with strictly anarchistic principles. Every precaution has been taken to avoid even the show of authority and to secure the largest liberty to the component parts of the association. Good! In Liberty there is strength. Henceforth the International is secure against destruction from within by ambition or from without by malevolence.

Only the future can determine how far the Congress, was wise in subordinating propagandism by voice and pen to what it calls "propagandism by fact." It will not do, as Wendell Phillips says, to judge the methods on reformers 3,000 miles away. And yet we must affirm our conviction that no question is ever finally settled until it is settled peaceably and by consent. A revolution, to be permanent, must first be mental. Almost the only excuse for the use of force is the suppression of mental life, and its only legitimate function to remove, where absolutely necessary, the obstacles to peaceful agitation. That such a removal has become necessary in Russia, Germany, Austria, Spain, and Italy we have little or no doubt; that it may be avoided in France, Belgium, and Switzerland is still within the limits of possibility; that a comparatively peaceful solution will be effected without it in Great Britain and the United States is more than probable.

But, however this may be, all friends of labor must rejoice at seeing the most effective instrumentality ever in existence, for the advancement of labor's claims, once more in full operation, taking up its work of justice where it was compelled to drop it several years ago. We hail its revival with delight and renewed hope. We predict for it a future even more glorious than its past. We trust that it has experienced its last dissolution, and wish that Col. Greene were here to shout with us: Vive l'Association Internationale!